What are Israeli settlements and why are they so controversial? This guide gives you an overview of the history, motivations and impact of the settler movement.

Is there such a thing as a settler movement? 

The short answer is yes. However, not all settlers – people living in settlements in the West Bank or the Golan Heights – belong to a settler movement. In fact, of the 600,000 plus residents living in settlements perhaps only a tiny minority would self-identify, or could reasonably be considered, as committed settlers – individuals motivated by a political and/or religious ideology (for many Israelis any distinction between religious and political convictions is invalid). Those who are motivated by such convictions, often associated with radical Zionist beliefs, might reasonably be considered part of the settler movement, which is a small, but powerful mover in Israeli politics and society (and indeed elsewhere, especially the US). 

Where does this settler movement come from?  

Highly motivated settlers began establishing settlements in historic mandate Palestine in the early part of the 20th century. Most were motivated by the Zionist vision articulated by Austrian-born Jewish journalist and political activist Theodor Herzl in the late 19th century. Herzl believed that Jews would never be safe from persecution in Europe, or elsewhere. They would only be safe in a Jewish homeland. Highly contested at first amongst Jews, many of whom were committed to assimilating into western society, the idea gained increasing traction and began to develop into, first a movement and, ultimately, today a dominant political ideology, or mindset.  

The Zionist dream led first to the creation of the state of Israel (and the Palestinian catastrophe or Nakba) in 1948 with support from the international community; and in more modern times to the radical settler movement we see today, and the continuous settlement expansion of the past forty years, considered illegal by the international community. 

The hope that Herzl’s vision of a Jewish homeland might be established in Palestine was given a huge boost by the Balfour Declaration of 1917. In the 1920s Jewish pioneers/settlers began to buy, or sometimes seize, land in Palestine and establish settlements, some of which became kibbutz. At first, most settlers were secular Jews often with idealistic and socialist aspirations. However, over time, and especially in recent years, the motivation of those with a settler mentality has become more associated with the extreme right wing of politics, and an extreme religious (Jewish) exceptionalism.  

Some perceive the movement to be a settler-colonial project, supported from within Israel politically, and from outside financially. Many who support the project are not Jews, but so-called Zionist Christians, who may, or very likely do not, fully understand what the project is intended to achieve.  

What is the settler project trying to achieve? 

Those committed to the colonial-settler project, whatever their religious or political motivation, want to see the State of Israel reflect, territorially (and for some culturally or religiously) speaking, their interpretation of the biblical nation of Israel. The ramifications of this are complicated, and justifications may differ radically, but in essence most would want all of the land occupied by Israel since 1967 – East Jerusalem and the West Bank as well as the Golan Heights which is territory annexed from Syria – to be subsumed into Israel.  

How that might be achieved is the subject of intense debate (even if the legality of it is relatively straightforward – it would be and is illegal outside of an inclusive democratic process of decision). They believe that the land should belong to Israel and one way to achieve that end is to settle the land bit by bit.  

Ideologically motivated settlers occupying small dwellings in Jerusalem’s old city, or surrounding areas in East Jerusalem such as Sheikh Jarrah or Silwan, and settlers establishing ‘frontier’ posts (often just a caravan) on hilltops on the West Bank are all aiming for the same end: a Jewish state occupying all of the land between the Mediterranean and the river Jordan. As much of this land does not belong to Israel, and is in fact occupied territory, this ideology is referred to by some as a colonial settler movement. 

Why are the settlements considered illegal? 

The settlements constructed since 1967 are considered illegal under international law.   Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states clearly that an occupying power (in this case Israel) is forbidden from any transfer of its civilian population into territory it is occupying. However, Israel has adopted the position that this stipulation does not apply to the West Bank – arguing that the area is not ‘occupied’ but ‘disputed’. 

By the beginning of 2023 there were 132 Israeli settlements in the West Bank and over 146 Israeli outposts (these are settlements not officially sanctioned by the Israeli government). Together they are home to well over half a million settlers. 

The settlements are self-contained and unlike the other parts of the Occupied Territories, where military law applies, are governed under Israeli civil law. Increasingly the settlements are linked to each other and to Israel by roads built and reserved for the exclusive use of Israelis. Many are surrounded by ‘closed military areas’ - exclusion zones established on Palestinian land with the intention of providing a buffer zone and additional ‘protection’ for settlers.  

Why are settlements still being built? 

Probably for a combination of two distinct reasons: 

First anyone with a verifiable claim to Jewish ancestry can settle in Israel from anywhere in the world. This is called making ‘Aliyah’. But Israel is a small country. Where are these new citizens to live? Settlements provide a state-backed solution. For the new immigrants – and for some living in Israel but struggling with their rents – accommodation in the settlements is relatively cheap because of government subsidies and, in the larger settlements especially, the publicly available amenities and infrastructure are attractive.  

Second is the growing influence and political power of the more ideologically motivated. Despite international calls to halt Settlement expansion, successive Israeli governments have actively encouraged the settler movement. The current government coalition includes radical settler elements including ministers who are outspoken advocates for an extreme form of Jewish exceptionalism which would expel Palestinians from the land. We are witnessing another spike in the political popularity and influence of the extreme settler movement. The relentless expansion of settlements renders the notion of a future Palestinian State an impossible dream. 

How is the land for settlements obtained? 

Governments of Israel contest that the bulk of the land on which settlements have been built was either vacant, leased from the state or bought fairly from Palestinian owners. The Palestinian Authorities and civil rights charities dispute this, saying the land has been illegally expropriated.  

Some settlements began as military outposts and many are established (or have been expanded) on land originally confiscated by military order for ‘security’ reasons or as designated ‘Military Firing Zones’. The Absentee Property Law has also been used to forcibly sell, lease or transfer property owned by Palestinians who live elsewhere (without compensation), particularly in East Jerusalem.  

Independently verified instances of Palestinians being subjected to threats, intimidation and violence by settler groups to get them to leave their land are increasingly frequent. If arable land is not being farmed, it can be claimed as vacant and expropriated by the State. Settlers are accused of using aggressive tactics, such as burning crops and uprooting olive groves, to prevent or dissuade Palestinian farmers from accessing and farming their land.  

You can find eyewitness testimony and more details of the variety of illegitimate, questionable or illegal methods deployed to obtain land in this 2021 Report by Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem. 

The rise in settler-related violence 

The presence of Jewish settler communities on Palestinian land is the cause of huge tension and violence. Episodes of tit for tat violence, initiated by both sides, have become more frequent in recent years, leading to endemic fear of violence and reprisal across swathes of the West Bank and now Jerusalem too. Police and military are often accused of protecting settlers, even when they are the perpetrators of the violence. Palestinians may fall victim first to settler violence then police intimidation or further violence. This double jeopardy is never experienced by settlers.  

To give one striking recent example; in February 2023 hundreds of settlers attacked the Palestinian village of Huwara, setting fire to dozens of cars and buildings, killing one Palestinian and injuring many more. The attack happened shortly after two settlers had been shot dead by a Palestinian gunman. The police stood by as the reprisal attack unfolded.  

Yesh Din, which monitors settler violence, reports that since 2005, police failed to investigate in over 80% of cases of this kind and only 3% of those investigated led to convictions. It is important to note that not all settlers resort to violence. Most don’t and some settler community leaders have made a point of publicly condemning the use of violence by their co-citizens.  

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recorded 2,421 Palestinian injuries and 13 deaths in Settler-related incidents last year. So far, 2023 is looking likely to match, if not top, this number.  

The effect of the settler movement on the West Bank 

Supporters of the settler movement point to the economic opportunities brought by the new communities. But while some Palestinians do work in the settlements (in construction, agriculture, manufacturing and service industries), many say that this is because there are no other employment options available to them – and this is in part down to the impact of settlement activity on the Palestinian economy.  

The settlements have taken Palestinian land and had a huge impact on Palestinian livelihoods by stopping the farming of thousands more hectares – either by denying access on the grounds of security for the settlement or by the violent actions of the extremist settlers.  

Olive trees are a fundamental part of Palestinian livelihood and it is estimated hundreds of thousands have been deliberately destroyed since the settler movement began. Many farmers who have their groves destroyed cannot afford to replace them. 

In the face of continued harassment, threat and loss of property and livelihoods many Palestinian families and communities living near to settlements are abandoning their homes. Those that remain say they are suffering psychological consequences of living under continual fear and pressure and the post-traumatic stress of trauma that they have witnessed. 

The settler movement is gaining momentum 

A report by the European Union showed that plans for settlement expansion increased in 2022. A trend that is continuing this year. 

In February 2023 the Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu stated that his government wanted to “strengthen settlements” and announced it would be officially authorising nine currently unofficial settlements. In March the government lifted a ban on settlers returning to four settlements previously disbanded in 2005. In May it was announced that Israel's Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, a staunch supporter of the settler movement, would be given significant control over civil affairs in the West Bank.  

It is clear that Israel’s current government, the most right-wing in Israel’s history, has made continued settlement expansion one of its top priorities.

YOU MIGHT ALSO BE INTERESTED IN…